The historical background of "The Poor"

The text "The Poor Man" is a work by the Russian writer Leo Tolstoy. The text tells the story of a fisherman and Sanna taking the initiative to adopt her two children after the death of their neighbor Simon. It truly reflects the social reality under the rule of the Tsarist autocratic system and shows that Sanna and the fisherman are hardworking, kind-hearted, and would rather be themselves. The beautiful quality of helping others despite suffering.

Background information;

The European Order Established by German Prime Minister Bismarck Bismarck’s Diplomacy During the Bulgarian Crisis In the five years after the Berlin Conference, German Prime Minister Bismarck established an organization that included Russia, Austria The complex alliance system of Hungary, Italy, Romania and other countries, European international politics was temporarily dominated by the Bismarck Alliance, and Berlin became the center of the European diplomatic stage. The Bulgarian crisis that broke out in 1885 brought the Bismarck Alliance to the brink of collapse. This article intends to explore some of the characteristics of the diplomacy and the international environment of the European powers in the late 19th century based on the fierce diplomatic competition among major European powers during the crisis.

(1)

After the Franco-Prussian War, a unified and powerful Germany emerged in Europe and completed a revolutionary transformation of the European international political environment. At the same time, it created a world that has troubled the world. The century-old German problem: the contradiction between Germany's natural advantages and the failure of other European countries to accept this advantage. 1 The defeat not only caused France to lose Alsace and Lorraine, depriving it of its dominant position on the European continent, but also greatly worsened its geopolitical environment. France thus became an irreconcilable country for Germany. France would be unable to deal with Germany on its own. Whether for self-protection or preparation for revenge, France needed to form an alliance with any country that was hostile to Germany. This makes crises involving Germany intensified and difficult to localize, thus limiting the basic direction of German diplomacy. In Bismarck's view, isolating France, maintaining the status quo in Europe, and ensuring German security were one and the same. The international environment Bismarck faced was extremely complex: in order to isolate France, he had to maintain the conservative alliance of the three monarchical powers of Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Germany. To this end, he also needed to exert influence on the development of Russian-Austrian relations. The Russian-Austrian relations were too close to ignore Germany. , or a conflict over the Balkans would damage Germany's diplomatic position in Europe. While he regards Russian-German friendship as the cornerstone of German diplomacy, he cannot offend Britain, which is in sharp opposition to Russia in the Near East and Central Asia. The Near Eastern crisis from 1875 to 1878 reflected the limitations of Bismarck's policy relative to the historical environment: the intensification of conflicts between Russia and Austria made it difficult for Bismarck to avoid the issue of choosing between Russia and Austria for a long time. Bismarck temporarily found a way out through the German-Austrian Alliance of 1879. The true destination of the alliance was the Russo-Austrian-German Alliance of the Three Emperors formed in June 1881, which allowed Germany to continue to maintain a check on Russia-Austria relations and to mediate between them.

In September 1885, a revolution broke out in the Turkish province of East Rumelia and it announced its merger with the Principality of Bulgaria. Tsar Alexander III, who had always regarded himself as the protector of Bulgaria, could not tolerate the unification of the two territories through the hands of Grand Duke Alexander, who did not obey his orders, thereby consolidating the Grand Duke's position in Bulgaria. Russia tried to force Bulgaria to cancel the merger through coordination among major powers, but the fait accompli of Bulgaria's unification was irreversible. Russia's Bulgaria policy is facing an unprecedented failure, and a new crisis is brewing in the Balkans.

In January 1886, the fanatical chauvinist Boulanger took office as the French Minister of War, setting off a frenzy in France demanding revenge against Germany, and relations between Germany and France suddenly became tense. Two crises occurred simultaneously, and Bismarck's alliance faced a severe test. At the same time, the Alliance of the Three Emperors, which Bismarck regarded as the foundation of German diplomacy, was about to expire, and there was no hope of renewal. There is a possibility that the international situation will be completely out of control, and the situation that Bismarck feared in his dreams will soon become a reality. If Germany adopts a policy of supporting Austria-Hungary in the Russian-Austrian competition in the Balkans, it will suffer the consequences of a breakdown in Russian-German relations and thus provide France with potential allies. Under the circumstances at the time, the possibility of abandoning Austria-Hungary was completely ruled out. Preserving the independence and great power status of Austria-Hungary was an important part of Bismarck's European order. Once Austria-Hungary disintegrates under external pressure, it will not only endanger the balance of power in Europe and make German diplomacy lose room for maneuver, but will also disrupt the delicate political balance within the German Empire.

The Bulgarian crisis of 1885-1887 reopened the Eastern Question and created the prospect of confrontation between Russia and Austria. The Russian Army fought bloody battles in the Russo-Turkish War. Two hundred thousand soldiers died on the battlefield, but what they reaped was a bitter pill that was hard to swallow. In September 1886, Grand Duke Alexander was forced to abdicate under Russian pressure. In November, the tsar's envoy Korbas failed to force the Bulgarian regency to nominate a candidate for the Grand Duke of Russia's liking. He returned in vain. Russia and Bulgaria severed diplomatic relations. Russia's influence in Bulgaria was completely lost. The "dignity" of the tsar was trampled to the limit. the point. A critical situation has arisen in the Balkans where the Russian army is about to invade and trigger a conflict between great powers.

Once Russia invades Bulgaria, it is bound to control Romania. By then Hungary will be surrounded by Russian Poland, Romania, and Bulgaria. Austria-Hungary's Danube lifeline may also be cut off. Maintaining power and influence in the Balkans is not only a symbol of Austria-Hungary's status as a great power, but also the survival of the empire.

On November 13, Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Karnoky delivered a speech in the Hungarian Parliament: Russia has no right to occupy Bulgaria and decide its fate alone, otherwise it will lead to war. Russian public opinion was in an uproar, and it was generally believed that Russian-Austrian coordination had lost its meaning. The Russian military and the Pan-Slavic faction were considering launching a military attack on Austria-Hungary.

The most direct purpose of the Bismarck Alliance is to restrain Russia and Austria and prevent conflicts between the two countries. His basic strategy at this time was to implement two-way suppression on the two countries and urge the two countries to resolve their differences within the framework of the Three Emperors Alliance. In response to the tough policy that Austria-Hungary might adopt under the instigation of Britain, he repeatedly issued warnings that Bulgaria was Russia's sphere of influence, and the German-Austrian alliance was only defensive in nature, and he had to go to Britain for help. 3 Regarding Russia, he repeatedly stated that Germany was willing to support Russia's Bulgaria policy, but Austria-Hungary's status as a major power could not be sacrificed, and the way out lay in Russia and Austria reaching a compromise on dividing the Balkan sphere of influence.

Bismarck acted as an "honest broker". Although he temporarily avoided the issue of choosing between Russia and Austria, it implied the danger of alienating both countries at the same time. Austria-Hungary could not help but ask: "What value does the German-Austrian Alliance have?" "Germany has two allies, and Austria-Hungary only has half." 5 If the conclusion of the German-Austrian Alliance in 1879 intensified Russia's sense of isolation, forcing If it returns to the track of alliance with Germany and Austria, it will only deepen Russia's hostility at this time. In November 1886, when the Tsar met with the new French ambassador to Russia, Lablay, he said: Russia hopes that France will be strong, and the two countries need to work side by side to overcome difficulties. This statement was, on the one hand, the result of the failure of the Korbas mission and the deepening frustration of the tsar, and it was also a response to Carnoky's speech to the Congress. If we want to solve the Bulgarian problem according to Russia's wishes, we must overcome Austria's obstruction. The strength of Austria-Hungary did not pose a threat. The key was the German-Austrian alliance. If Russia wanted to launch a war against Austria-Hungary, or for Russia's threat of war to have an effect, Germany's intervention must be prevented in advance. The only hope is in France. There are signs that the Russian military and Pan-Slav faction, through the famous journalist and conservative nationalist Katokov, have exerted a significant influence on the tsar's decision-making tendency since the end of October. In order to contain Germany, the Tsar may drastically change his European policy, and the prospect of a Franco-Russian alliance is already looming.

The Bismarck alliance system is in danger of collapse. The Boulanger Movement provided a good opportunity for Bismarck to escape his predicament.

(2)

After the establishment of the Third Republic, the political situation in France has been turbulent. In the first half of the 1980s, when the Ferri cabinet was in power, France-German relations had a good period of "colonial entente". However, the issue of Alsace and Lorraine has always been a wound that is difficult to heal in the relations between the two countries. The collapse of the "colonial cabinet" of Ferrie in 1885 marked the rise of revanchism in France. The League of Patriots, a nationalist group headed by the famous poet Derulaid, had more than 100,000 members by July 1886 and became a force that cannot be ignored in French political and social life. Boulanger enters the Shire. After being appointed as the Minister of War in the Feresi cabinet, he became a symbol of France's revival, recovery of lost territory, and revenge against Germany. From the autumn of 1886, Franco-German relations tended to deteriorate.

Bismarck was not afraid of France's strength, even a revanchist France. Its eyes are always fixed on the east. The complexity of the problem lies in the fact that the two crises occurred almost simultaneously. Once Germany becomes involved in the Austro-Russian Balkan conflict, it is difficult to expect France to stand idly by. At that time, Germany must face the cold reality of fighting on two fronts.

In the summer of 1886, Deroulade visited Russia and advocated an alliance between France and Russia. In June, Katokov wrote an article in "Moscow News" criticizing Foreign Minister Giles' European policy and calling for a fundamental change in Russia's diplomatic line. He pointed out that Russia had made a historic mistake by placing the abstract principle of monarchical unity above its own national interests. Russia must break free from its constraints and regain freedom of action in diplomacy. It was called 'Katokov's Attack'.

Under the circumstances at that time, there was a huge disparity in political systems between France and Russia, and there were serious differences in strategic interests and priorities. There was no possibility of an immediate alliance between the two countries. France will not support Russia's current Balkan policy at the expense of its long-term interests in the Near East. Russia was even less likely to help France recover Alsace and Lorraine without risking upsetting the status quo and antagonizing Germany. However, if the pressure and frustration are too strong, France and Russia may form a convergence of interests in order to get out of the predicament. No one can guarantee that the two countries will not come together in the end. In January 1887, after the Russian envoy Shuvalov visited Germany to bridge differences and repair Russian-German relations, the silence from the Russian side further confirmed Bismarck's suspicion that Russia might change its policy. Bismarck adjusted his strategy and determined to use Germany's existing diplomatic resources and developments in France to seek opportunities to reorganize Germany's diplomatic lineup. After the Bulgarian crisis, a fierce diplomatic competition began between Britain and Germany. Neither country wants to take the lead in intervening and resent Russia, and at the same time both countries need to avoid being isolated in the future European diplomatic arena. If it can create a mutual check and balance between the other party and Russia, the country's diplomacy will gain unprecedented initiative. British Prime Minister Salisbury was deeply suspicious of Bismarck's intentions. He was worried that if Britain and Russia had a confrontation or conflict over the Balkans issue and became deeply involved in Balkan affairs, Bismarck would take the opportunity to defeat France. Britain's strategy was to urge Austria-Hungary to serve as the anti-Russian vanguard in the Balkans, so that Germany, which had alliance obligations to Austria-Hungary, would have no way to escape.

Bismarck exaggerated the tensions on the German-French border, created public opinion that war was imminent, and intimidated the French government not to overdo its military expansion and war preparations. Being an enemy of Germany would not bring good results. At the same time, this was used to show Britain, Austria and Russia that Germany must deal with the Franco-German crisis with all its strength and had no time to look eastward. The Balkan crisis could only be resolved by those countries with vital interests in the region themselves.

The Tripartite Alliance of Germany, Austria and Italy, concluded in 1882, was about to expire in May 1887, and the contracting parties were not very interested in the alliance. But as the Franco-German crisis and the Bulgarian crisis occurred simultaneously, Italy's importance in Bismarck's mind increased significantly. Bismarck took advantage of the opportunity of the alliance renewal in February 1887 to strengthen the unity within the Triple Alliance at the expense of supporting Italy's expansion policy in North Africa, preventing hostile countries from wooing Italy, and at the same time gaining a safe and stable rear for Austria-Hungary to deal with Russia. .

What is even more significant is that this created conditions for using Italy as a bridge to establish ties between Britain and the Triple Alliance countries, which shared the same interests with Italy on colonial issues and maintained close cooperation. .

At that time, there were sharp conflicts between Britain and France due to the Egyptian issue that arose after Britain unilaterally occupied Egypt in 1882. The chauvinistic clamor of the Boulanger movement was also directed against Britain. If Britain can win the support of the Triple Alliance countries on the Egyptian issue, it will greatly strengthen its position in negotiations with France. If Britain can be prompted to adopt a firm policy of maintaining the status quo in the Balkans and mobilize forces sufficient to contain France and Russia in the Near East, Austria-Hungary's security will be guaranteed, and Germany will be able to avoid being directly involved in Near Eastern affairs and conflict with Russia collides. In order to put pressure on Britain, Bismarck said: If Germany looks after France on the continent, Britain and Italy will gain freedom of action. Britain and Italy will jointly contain France in North Africa, and cooperate with Austria-Hungary to deal with Russia in the Near East. The balance of power in Europe and peace may be preserved. However, if Britain does not participate in European politics, it will inevitably fall into isolation, and Germany will have no reason to oppose France's expansion in North Africa and Russia's expansion in the Near East. Under Bismarck's instigation, Britain and Italy exchanged notes in February 1887. In March, Austria-Hungary also joined in the form of a note. The three countries signed the "First Mediterranean Agreement" and promised to jointly maintain the status quo of the Mediterranean.

After the Mediterranean Alliance was formed, the French government further realized the unreality and danger of its alliance policy with Russia. The more urgent France's desire for alliance is, the higher Russia's asking price will be. If it cannot meet Russia's requirements, it will lead to unnecessary resentment. What's more, it will induce Germany to launch a "preventive" war. If France supports Russia's Bulgarian policy, it will have to bear the consequences of confrontation with all European countries. 11 The French government must take the initiative to ease Franco-German relations to avoid falling into the diplomatic trap set by Bismarck. In May, the French government dismissed Boulanger, and the Franco-German crisis tended to ease.

(3)

Germany is located in Central Europe, facing the sea on one side and surrounded on three sides. An active and effective Eastern policy is the cornerstone of German diplomacy. If Germany and Russia are in conflict for a long time, German diplomacy will be a dead end. On the contrary, Germany can maneuver freely between the East and the West, with sufficient advance and retreat. In Bismarck's eyes, isolating France and uniting Russia were two sides of the same problem. After the Bulgarian crisis, Bismarck on the one hand encouraged Russia to pursue a forward policy in the Balkans, and on the other hand used this to mobilize the Mediterranean coalition to resist Russian expansion. At the same time, it proved the value of German friendship to Russia, which felt deeply isolated. Russian Foreign Minister Giles believes that whether it is to ensure the security of the Russian Black Sea region or to solve the Bulgarian issue, Russia needs to retain the Three Emperors Alliance of Russia, Germany and Austria, and at least maintain friendly cooperation with Germany. At present, an alliance between France and Russia is unfavorable to Russia, and it is impossible for France to form an alliance with Russia. If Russia loses Germany, it will mean complete isolation. As for the attitude of Tsar Alexander III, as German Ambassador to St. Petersburg Schweinitz pointed out at the time: "The Tsar must maintain unity with Germany from the needs of foreign policy, and from the perspective of complying with public opinion and domestic stability, he must publicly The occasion showed his hatred of Germany."

Katokov's editorial in March deeply hurt the tsar and put him in a very embarrassing situation. The article disclosed the secret of the Three Emperors Alliance and be lashed out. This forced the Tsar to either give up his alliance with Germany or publicly express his support for the Alliance of Three Emperors, which was exactly the outcome the Tsar wanted to avoid. The Tsar was furious and punished Katokov. The reduction of Katokov's influence reflects the consolidation of Gilles' position.

In view of the Tsar's categorical refusal to renew the treaty with Austria-Hungary, Russia and Germany reopened negotiations in Berlin in May, preparing to replace the original Three Emperors Alliance with a Russian-German bilateral agreement. When discussing the terms of neutrality, Bismarck tried to induce Russia to agree to Germany's conditional neutrality in the event of a Russian-Austrian conflict by fully supporting Russia's Near East policy. To this end, Bismarck read out the text of the 1879 German-Austrian Alliance Treaty to the Russian negotiators, hoping to show that Germany had no intention of assuming obligations that were contrary to the content of the German-Austrian Alliance Treaty.

On June 18, 1887, Russia and Germany signed a new treaty, the Reinsurance Treaty, on the condition that they made reservations about the neutrality clause concerning the situation when France and Austria were attacked by the contracting parties.

In Bismarck's view, although the treaty failed to ensure Russia's unconditional neutrality in the event of a Russian-German conflict, given the different attitudes of France and Germany towards the status quo since 1871, the alliance France needed must be offensive. The Reinsurance Treaty "At least this possibility is ruled out. If France could not win the support of Russia in advance, it would be impossible to challenge Germany on its own. The status quo, peace, and Germany's security were guaranteed.

By echoing the previous "German-Austrian Alliance Treaty" through the "Reinsurance Treaty", Bismarck re-established a two-way suppression of Germany and Austria. Bismarck used this to show Russia and Austria that Germany would always stand with the attacked party and fight against aggression together. Whoever destroys European peace is Germany's enemy. However, Bismarck also had to face up to another danger. If Russia provoked Austria-Hungary to take the lead in launching an attack, how would Germany respond? 15 The internal fighting in Russia surrounding the signing of the Reinsurance Treaty, the vacillation of the Tsar's position, and Russia's endless demands on Germany on the Bulgarian issue after the signing of the treaty greatly reduced Bismarck's value of the treaty. His confidence in the Tsar and in German-Russian friendship was irrevocably shaken.

In July 1887, Ferdinand of Coburg was elected Grand Duke of Bulgaria against the wishes of the Tsar, and Russia's possibility of resorting to force increased. The Russian press was filled with invective against Germany. In August, Derulaid took the opportunity to attend Kattokov's funeral to visit Russia again. Bismarck was deeply worried about the current situation. Since Russia was no longer reliable, Germany had to find another way out just in case. In May 17, France and Russia jointly forced Sudan to abandon the plan reached by British envoy Wolff with Turkey regarding the withdrawal of British troops from Egypt. The trend of French-Russian cooperation has aroused the vigilance of the British and Germans. Salisbury was worried that if Austria-Hungary was forced to compromise with Russia due to lack of assistance, it might return to the isolated and passive situation that was extremely unfavorable to Britain during the Alliance of Three Emperors.

18 Bismarck took advantage of the situation and sent the text of the "Treaty of Alliance between Germany and Austria" to London, and wrote a letter to Salisbury on November 22. The letter stated: "If the independence of the Austro-Hungarian Empire is threatened by Russian aggression, or if Britain and Italy are in danger of being invaded by France, Germany is always responsible for adopting a policy of entering the front." 19 The extent of German support for Austria-Hungary was confirmed in Britain Later, on December 12 and 16, 1887, Britain, Austria, and Italy exchanged notes and reached the Second Mediterranean Agreement, which basically ruled out the possibility of Russia occupying Bulgaria, or holding Sudan hostage, and controlling the Turkish Straits. If Russia provokes Austria-Hungary, it will be besieged by Britain, Austria and Italy. Against this background, Russia began to retreat. In January 1888, Russia, with the support of Germany, asked the Turkish government to declare Ferdinand's election illegal, but was boycotted by Britain, Austria and Italy. In April Türkiye met Russia's demands. Russia saved some face, and the Bulgarian issue was resolved.

(4)

The "Reinsurance Treaty" and the "Mediterranean Agreement" caused the mutual restraint between Britain, Austria, Italy, France and Russia in the Near East and the Mediterranean, and at the same time blocked France. The combination with Russia ensured Germany's dominant position on the European continent. However, Bismarck's system contained great complexity and contradictions, and the equilibrium situation it promoted that was beneficial to Germany was inherently fragile. 20 His diplomacy thus remained ultimately a stop-gap measure to delay the problem.

As a master of realpolitik, Bismarck brought the art of diplomacy to the extreme. Realpolitik contributed to the unification and consolidation of Germany, but Bismarck's fascination with realpolitik ultimately made Germany suffer its own consequences after reunification. Although with the unification of Germany Bismarck transformed from a destroyer of the status quo to a defender of the status quo, the situation is no longer what it used to be. Under the impact of the wave of nationalism, the principle of monarchical unity he advocated has lost its sustaining power. The naked pursuit of power has become a basic means for countries to safeguard their own security and interests, adding new unstable factors to international relations. 21 "Katokov's attack" was an ironic reply to Bismarck.

In Bismarck’s era, relations between the major powers in Europe became increasingly rigid and tense. The reunification of Germany has caused Central Europe to lose its historical buffering role. It can no longer provide a space for warning and compensation in the struggle for hegemony among major powers, and has completely changed the power structure of Europe. 22 The looseness of great power relations on which balance of power diplomacy relied was disappearing, as marked by the conclusion of the German-Austrian Alliance in 1879. In fact, it is difficult for Germany to make any other choice. Bismarck's alliance was an instinctive reflection of this change, which in turn consolidated and strengthened this trend. Tense relations between the major powers were the reason for the establishment of the Bismarck Alliance and a necessary condition for its maintenance. Bismarck's diplomatic style epitomized the combination of pride and anxiety. In order to prevent the alliance of hostile forces and establish Germany's unshakable leadership position on the European continent, it is necessary to maintain moderate tension in the relations between major powers. He encouraged cooperation if there were tensions between allies, and withdrew support and created friction once they got along. However, Bismarck's strategy may win Germany allies, but it often causes Germany to lose friends. 23 Germany at that time was essentially a status quo country. For the rising Germany, the reputation of dishonesty might be more dangerous than bellicosity. European countries' confidence and trust in German policies are the prerequisite for maintaining Germany's diplomatic status. Bismarck's strategies often have the opposite effect.

As the situation in Europe becomes increasingly tense, an international environment full of hostility, suspicion and insecurity has begun to emerge. At the same time that relations between major powers began to become rigid and tense, German policy gradually lost balance and flexibility. In October 1886, Bismarck already hinted in a letter to his son: Once Russia and Austria went to war, no matter who was the attacker, Germany would have no choice but to fight on the side of Austria-Hungary. 24 When Bismarck was on stage, he could still rely on his superb diplomatic skills and high prestige to offset the negative consequences of his policies. After him, there was no successor.

When Bismarck resigned in 1890, the new German authorities abandoned the Reinsurance Treaty. Four years later, France and Russia formed an alliance, and Bismarck's European order also collapsed.