Main progress in research on migration of census population age structure chart

After nearly 20 years of research and discussion, we have basically understood the process, basic characteristics and main mechanisms of population migration and mobility since the founding of the People's Republic of China. A more in-depth discussion has begun on the complex social and economic effects of migration, and preliminary attempts have been made to introduce and improve foreign research theories and analytical methods. The management and strategy of migration and mobility have been discussed extensively, and its main progress can be analyzed from the following aspects.

1. Basic situation of population migration and mobility: As a complex social and economic phenomenon, population migration plays an important impact on economic development and population distribution. But for a long time, we have lacked a clear understanding of the status of population migration in China. Due to the lack of direct data, some situations can only be judged based on indirect calculations, especially in early studies. Qiu Weizhi (1981) based on the changes in the population growth rate and proportion of each province and district from 1949 to 1979, examined the migration situation from the founding of the People's Republic of China to the late 1970s, and summarized two ways of inter-provincial migration, namely organized migration and spontaneous migration , it is believed that there are three main migration areas, namely the Yellow River, the lower reaches of the Yangtze River, Sichuan and Hunan. The article also draws a (schematic) diagram of the migration flow for the first time. It was extremely difficult for this article to accurately describe the situation of population migration in China when there was an extreme lack of data at the time. Wei Jinsheng (1984) and Zhang Qingwu (1988) analyzed basic issues such as the conceptual definition of population migration in China, and discussed the definition of "migration" and "flow". Wei Jinsheng defined migration as “all kinds of population movements that change the place of permanent residence in household registration that occur between different provinces, districts or counties (cities, municipal districts) in the country, as well as between various economic types of areas and between various natural types of areas. Population movement with demographic significance that changes the place of permanent residence in registered residence.” This classification has been more commonly used in subsequent statistics, surveys and research on migration and mobility in my country. Ma Xia (1987) used the statistical data of user registration migration to reflect the migration situation from 1954 to 1984 through data for the first time, which was a major progress in total research. However, the data from 1966 to 1968 used in this article was incomplete (Yang Yunyan 1994). Yang Yunyan (1992) used the 1% population sampling data in 1987 and the 1990 census data to estimate the changes in the scale of migration since the reform and opening up, and believed that the migration flow, mechanism and type have all undergone major reversals after the reform and opening up.

But to this day, the research on population migration and mobility still shows a certain degree of confusion. This confusion is first reflected in the conceptual definition and statistical caliber of population migration. For example, population migration is regarded as just It is limited to the part of the people who have completed the household registration transfer, and all the mobile population who have not completed the household registration transfer procedures are called "floating population"; the functional short-term resident or transit population in cities and the employment-oriented and settled permanent residents are The population is also collectively referred to as "floating population" and so on. Due to the confusion in definition, it has led to difficulties in survey and statistical work. On the one hand, in-depth and detailed information on population and labor mobility has been obtained, but on the other hand, even the most basic aggregate indicators cannot be determined so far. Although relevant departments have released some data, the quality of these data is not high, the caliber is different, and they are often not comparable, making it impossible to compile continuous data. The data on population migration released by the public security department not only has problems with statistical quality, but also has limited coverage. It only includes the part of the population whose registered permanent residence has been relocated, and its proportion in the total population is even declining. This is different from the 80 This is inconsistent with the reality that my country's population mobility has greatly increased since the 1990s (Yu Shu et al. 1998). Regarding the temporary resident population, the statistics of urban temporary resident population released by the public security department are too broad, and the phenomenon of underreporting is serious. Most censuses and national sample surveys obtain stock indicators, and their calibers often vary, which affects the comparability of data.

2. Floating population and "migrant worker wave": Generally speaking, floating population specifically refers to those temporary population movements, and in the current situation, the commonly used term "floating

The concept of "population" includes all population movements that have not gone through the formalities of "household transfer", whether this movement is short-term or long-term. Data show that the current sharp increase in population mobility actually includes two main types: one is the urban functional floating population that increases with economic development. They generally stay in the city for a short time. The flow direction of this type of floating population Determined by urban functions and urban radiation range, the distribution of time and space is relatively balanced; the other type is the labor force that enters the city in search of job opportunities. This type of "floating population" is large in scale, stays in the city for a long time, and the flow direction is relatively concentrated. Therefore, The resulting social shock is also greater. The latter are usually called "temporary residents" or "migrants" depending on their household registration status. Since this special group conforms to the basic characteristics of population migration in demographic studies, they are also regarded as a special form of migration. Migration, that is, "informal migration" as opposed to "planned migration", is different from planned migration mainly through differences in household registration status.

Since household registration still plays a fundamental role in urban socio-economic life, "informal migrants" cannot enjoy the same opportunities and rights as urban "formal" residents to obtain the means of living and production, thus creating a situation of immigrants with different household registration status. There are very different immigrant groups in terms of employment opportunities, industry and career flows, welfare and social security (Yang Yunyan 1996).

"Informal migration" already existed during the planned economy period. Li Debin (1983) discussed the issue of artesian population migration to Heilongjiang during the planned economy period. Chen Yu (1984) used the third census data for the first time to study the situation of "household separation"①. Zheng Guizhen (1985) conducted the first comprehensive survey of the floating population in Shanghai in 1984 and estimated the size of the floating population as 700,000. Afterwards, surveys, analyzes and articles on urban floating population emerged rapidly. Li Mengbai et al. (1991) made a comprehensive summary of this. Chen Xianshou et al. (1996) pointed out the trend of "immigration" and "familyization" of floating population in recent years.

Since the 1990s, the issue of the cross-regional flow of rural labor – the “migrant wave” – has become a hot topic of research. These studies mainly have two directions: one is to study the transfer of surplus labor and the urban "temporary population" from the perspective of rural labor migration to cities; the other is to study the "migrant labor force" or "migrant worker wave" from the perspective of cross-regional mobility. ” problem (Central Political Research Office 1994). Research in this area has gradually deepened from the early focus on some static demographic characteristics such as flow direction, age, gender, education level, industry distribution, occupational status, marriage, and family to the process of migration, income and consumption in the place of flow. Conditions, changes in behavioral patterns, social conflicts and integration and other socio-economic dynamic characteristics (Han Xiaoyun 1995), as well as the feedback of capital, information and technology from the outflow of labor to the place of departure, and even the socio-economic impact on the place of departure (Qin Dewen 1994).

3. Migration selectivity, migration patterns and mechanisms: There are generally regular or universal structural differences between immigrants and non-immigrants, which can be considered as migration

The result of “selection” of immigrants is the selectivity of migration. Some overseas scholars have questioned whether migration under China’s planned economy is selective. In fact, selectivity may be more prominent under planned economy conditions, but the selection mechanism will be different. Since China has long adhered to the policy of controlling urban population growth and controlling non-agricultural population growth, the state has basically no policy restrictions on people who move to rural areas, including urban and suburban rural areas (engaged in agricultural production), so it is relatively easy to settle down and complete the household registration Migration procedures. Strict selection will be implemented for the population moving into cities and towns, and migration rights will be given first to specialized talents and technical personnel urgently needed for urban economic development. As for the migration path, it mainly involves the deployment of cadres within the plan, and the enrollment and allocation of higher education institutions. Therefore, the planned migration policy shows obvious selectivity in the source, structure and destination of the relocated population. The planned migration is mainly highly educated professionals and state cadres, flowing into national administrative institutions and large and medium-sized state-owned industrial enterprises. and high-level service industries, mainly engaged in intellectual work or technical occupations. Of all migration selectivities, the most common is in age. Under normal circumstances, young people have a clear tendency to migrate, and the migrant population is obviously concentrated in the age range of 15 to 35 years old. As early as the early 1980s, relevant surveys confirmed this phenomenon. Ji Ping's (1983) survey found that 74% of the people who moved to Beijing were within the working age group, and most of them were under 30 years old. Li Yu et al. (1984) found that between 1980 and 1982, the proportion of the working-age population among Beijing’s emigrants was as high as 93.2%. The gender selectivity of migration changes with the nature of the migration, and some types of migration are highly gender selective. Obviously, for example, marriage migration is affected by history, tradition and other aspects, and women make up the vast majority of marriage migration. According to the 1987 national 1% sample survey, women accounted for 93.3% of marriage migration, with a gender ratio as low as 7.2. Women basically dominated the world. It is precisely the highly selective nature of this type of migration in terms of gender composition that makes it possible for unbalanced marriage migration to have a profound impact on the destination and destination (Yang Yunyan, 1994). The relationship between immigrants’ educational level and migration is also an important aspect of migration selectivity. Judging from the situation in China, the average educational level of immigrants is generally higher than the national average. This is closely related to planned migration such as enrollment, allocation, and cadre deployment in China's higher education institutions, but the opposite situation is found in rural labor mobility (Zhao Yaohui 1997).

Wang Guixin (1993), Liu Qiming (1992), Ding Jinhong (1994) and others discussed the spatial pattern of inter-provincial migration, especially the important role of distance in migration flow; Yan Shanping ( 1998) used the inter-regional migration model to examine the impact of factors such as migration stock and differences in economic development levels in inter-provincial migration; some other studies used Western economic analysis methods to conduct meaningful discussions on the mechanism of labor mobility (Cai Fang 1997) .

4. Regarding the migration effect: Population migration, with its spatial imbalance and structural selectivity, has many impacts on the places of immigration and emigration.

First, population movement directly changes the total population of the place of migration and the place of emigration, and indirectly affects the population comparison between the two places through the transfer of fertility; secondly, the changes in fertility behavior that may be caused by population movement will change the population reproduction of the two places. model; as a result, the distribution of the population and the development model will change; in addition, population movement will change the population structure of the two places. There are two types of changes in the spatial structure of the population caused by population movement: agglomeration migration will intensify the imbalance of population distribution, while diffusion migration will make the population distribution more even. The regional flow of population and labor force can also have an impact on regional disparities (Cai Fang 1998).

Population movement will also have a direct impact on the ecological environment. In ecologically fragile areas, population migration may aggravate the deterioration of the ecological environment. In particular, the irrational use of environmental resources among agricultural immigrants has had serious consequences. However, there are also a small number of scientific changes in the ecological environment after population migration. governance to improve the situation.

The social effects of population movement are a subject that has received special attention. Population movement constantly breaks the old balance in the process of achieving equilibrium, thus causing multi-level frictions. This social integration process will help enhance social vitality in the long run, but in the short run it may cause social problems, such as cultural conflicts and crime. The adjustment of immigration behavior is an important part of the micro aspect of the social effects of population movement. Immigrants from one cultural background and specific community flow into another behavioral style and cultural atmosphere. Differences in values ??and behaviors force immigrants to adjust in conflicts. At the same time, their behaviors and values ??may also affect immigration. indigenous inhabitants of the land. Immigration forms a vibrant immigrant culture through the exchange and integration of multiple cultures. In other cases, it may lead to social conflicts. Generally speaking, immigrants who are in minority status or have backward cultural backgrounds are more likely to adapt to the lifestyle of the area they move to, actively or passively, by adjusting their behavior and values ??and be assimilated. In situations where immigrants are in the majority, they may impose their own culture on the area of ??immigration. In places of immigration, indigenous residents may adopt a friendly or admiring attitude towards immigrants with relatively advanced cultural backgrounds, while they may adopt a discriminatory or even hostile attitude toward immigrants from backward cultural areas. What has attracted more attention in this regard is the research on changes in women’s marriage and childbearing behavior (Lin Fude et al. 1998). These studies will be more valuable if they can be compared with the places of migration.

At present, the impact of "migrant population" on the labor market of the place of immigration is both a complex academic issue and an important practical issue. Due to concerns about the impact of "migrant population" on local employment, some regions, especially megacities, have introduced policies and regulations to interfere with the employment of migrants. Ding Jinhong (1995), Zhao Min (1995) and others analyzed the employment of migrant workers and their impact on the urban labor market, and concluded that the impact of migrant labor on local employment is limited. Chen Hao (1996) discussed the positive and negative impacts of labor outflow on rural development.

5. Regarding policy and evaluation: The editorial board of "Population Research" organized a special discussion on the issue of migrant population (the journal 1997). On the whole, the attitude of academia and society towards the floating population has shifted from being relatively repellent to being relatively tolerant. Regarding the management of migrant population, Liu Shiding (1995) conducted a detailed empirical analysis of government behavior. The evaluation of policies related to migration mainly focuses on immigration, household registration management systems and urbanization policies.

In terms of developmental immigration and environmental immigration, China has carried out large-scale development immigration, environmental immigration and reservoir immigration since the founding of the People's Republic of China. The idea of ??emigrating to remote areas has always been mainstream. Ru Qiu Weizhi (1981) proposed that immigration to the west should continue, and Wang Xun (1984) even proposed a specific scale. However, the idea of ??migrating to the northwest has been criticized by the population geography community (original Hua Rong 1985), among which the evidence on water resources constraints is the most convincing. Relevant evaluations of northwest organized immigrants also indirectly support these criticisms (Chen Bomin et al. 1988). In the late 1980s, concern about migration to the northwest was replaced by environmental migration (Xie Shusen et al. 1988; Zhang Shanyu 1995; Zhang Zhiliang 1995). Reservoir immigration, as an important type of organizational immigration, has also been paid attention to by relevant research institutes (Zhang Siping 1983). In particular, the resettlement of the Three Gorges Project has attracted much attention (Zhun Nong 1995). The devastating floods in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River in 1998 raised new issues in resettlement.

Concerning the status and role of the so-called "migrant population": This aspect requires further breakthroughs in theoretical and empirical research, such as the issue of the legal status of the migrant population. The equal labor rights of workers are basic rights protected by the Constitution, and discriminatory policies against so-called "migrant labor" undoubtedly violate this equal rights. The word "migrant labor" itself contains a strong planned economy flavor and is even discriminatory. When we restrict the labor and employment of non-local registered workers, what is the legal basis and theoretical explanation? The current discriminatory treatment of so-called "migrant labor" has neither sufficient legal basis nor is it in line with the basic principles of a market economy. Secondly, our understanding of the labor market is very limited. The impact of migrant labor on local labor supply conditions, wages, overall economic operations, and the creation of new job opportunities is quite complex.

In the current discriminatory policy environment, most "migrant laborers" can only engage in low-income and physically strenuous occupations under difficult conditions in cities and towns. Part of their limited wages is collected by the government as compensation and then returned to provide subsidies for urban workers. ①. The urban (local) labor force takes advantage of its favorable institutional position to "rent-seeking" ②. In this institutional arrangement, no matter how well the “migrants” do, they have no hope of integrating into the urban community. Long-term policies that favor and protect cities have limited the opportunities for rural people to share in the improved welfare brought about by economic development. As the "last bastion" of the planned economy, the household registration system is incompatible with economic and social development.