Russia is most afraid of not finding the direction to revive a big country.

The deep-seated reasons of various restrictive factors are mainly social, cultural and psychological factors. Among them, Russian nationalism is the most basic and core factor. For the convenience of analysis, the reasons are divided into the following six aspects:

1. National psychological factors

The Russian nation is a nation with strong nationalism. This nationalism was formed in Russia's long history of military expansion, gradually expanding its territory and making the country stronger. Russia was originally a lower-middle country on the eastern edge of Europe. When Russia first formed a unified country [Vasily III (1505 ~ 1533)], its territory was only 2.8 million square kilometers. However, by the end of czar's rule in 19 17, Russia had become the largest country in the world, spanning Eurasia, with a length of/10 000 kilometers from east to west, a width of 5,000 kilometers from north to south and a total area of 20 million square kilometers. In this centuries-long history, the victory of military expansion with brilliant military exploits and brilliant records has deeply branded nationalism on the psychology and character of generations of Russians.

The main connotations of this deep-rooted great Russian nationalism include: the sense of self-esteem of a strong country cultivated by territorial expansion and military strength; A sense of isolation and complacency caused by long-term external closure; The consciousness of obeying authority bred by the tradition of absolutism. Among these consciousnesses, "self-esteem consciousness of a powerful country" is the core and subject consciousness.

Under the rule of czars, great Russian nationalism has been used as a political and ideological tool to consolidate the regime. During the Soviet regime, this nationalism was not completely liquidated and eliminated, but developed and deepened. In the ethnic relations of the Soviet Union, the authorities and public opinion always call the Russian nation "the great mother" and the non-Russian nation "the loyal son of the great Russian nation". In international relations, we always regard ourselves as "big brother" and "savior", while other friendly countries are regarded as "little brothers" and "saved". In foreign affairs, I always like to teach and direct others. In negotiations, I often regard the other party's modesty and modesty as weakness and impose my own views on others. Even Gorbachev, the inventor of "new thinking" and Yeltsin, the "founder" of independent and democratic Russia, used "Russian patriotism" as a weapon to integrate people's hearts and turn the situation around by virtue of the special effect of Russian nationalism when their political and economic situation was in trouble. Even the new President Putin, who is highly praised at home and abroad, still regards the goals of "safeguarding national interests", "domestic goals are higher than foreign goals" and "defending the status of a big country" as the main principles of Russian diplomacy.

Russian nationalism is not only manifested in politics, but also in economy and daily life. In the past economic ties with socialist countries, they advertised "selfless internationalist assistance", but what they actually did was not to give up national self-interest and control over other countries. In daily life, when I communicate with others, I always like to emphasize my national tastes and customs. However, for a long time in Russia, "national superiority" was described as "national pride" and "Russian nationalism" as "Russian patriotism". This excessive "national pride" and narrow "patriotism" are based on exclusivity, that is, the existence and development of other countries and nations are regarded as a threat to the existence and development of their own countries and nations. Especially in the period of social transformation and turbulence in Russia, the political and economic crisis continued, and the comprehensive national strength and international status were not only incomparable with that of another superpower, but also dwarfed by other developed countries. Even the original "little brother" surpassed himself and took the lead. This is an unacceptable reality for many people with serious feelings of "great Russian nationalism". As a result, the characteristics of "great Russian nationalism" are irrationally, even abnormally externalized into new forms of expression. They turned from condescending to rejecting and hating other countries, and from being calm to being suspicious and alert to the outside world. In the economic and trade cooperation with China, the normal barter trade is described as "loss-making trade", the export of necessary resources as "dependence on raw materials" and the import of urgently needed labor services as "population expansion" from neighboring countries.

2. National cultural factors

As the Russian nation spans Europe and Asia, it is influenced by both western culture and eastern culture in history, so Russian culture is neither pure western culture nor pure eastern culture, but an independent cultural system between the two, with both cultural characteristics. However, the eastern and western cultural characteristics of Russian culture are not equal. Because it is active under the influence of western culture for a long time in history, and passive under the influence of eastern culture for a short time, Russian culture has more western cultural characteristics, is closer to western culture, and has a larger capacity for re-acceptance, while the characteristics of eastern culture are obviously less, the relationship is obviously alienated, and the capacity for re-acceptance is also obviously smaller. Because Russian culture is a self-contained independent culture, cultural conflicts often occur when foreign cultures enter, including commercial culture. Due to the collision of business cultures, cooperation is often affected because it is difficult to tolerate the interests of other cultural subjects. Russian culture is very exclusive to China's economy and culture because of its poor compatibility with oriental culture.

Russia's acceptance of foreign cultures is based on its own cultural advantages. In Russian history, especially during the Renaissance and the Soviet Union from the second half of the19th century to the 20th century, a group of world-famous geniuses, thinkers, writers and scientists caused a sensation in the world, and a large number of masterpieces, literary works and scientific inventions emerged. These brilliant cultural achievements have brought burdens to Russians, who are proud of their brilliant cultural achievements. However, excessive pride and pride have turned into a sense of national superiority and ethnocentrism that belittles and excludes other national cultures.

3. National historical factors

Aggression against other countries is the most basic feature of Russian history. /kloc-at the end of 0/5, when Russia just established a unified centralized state, its territory was less than 3 million square kilometers. According to the Soviet Union's territorial area (22.4 million square kilometers),19.6 million square kilometers was occupied by other countries, and according to the present Russian territorial area (1 7 10 million square kilometers), there are. That is to say, even if the territory area of Russia is calculated, the occupied territory area is larger than any geographical power except Russia in the world (9.98 million square kilometers in Canada, 9.6 million square kilometers in China, 9.37 million square kilometers in the United States, 85 million square kilometers in Brazil, 7.68 million square kilometers in Australia and 2.97 million square kilometers in India). The territory occupied by China alone is 6.5438+0.5454 million square kilometers, including 6.5438+0.03 million square kilometers in the eastern region (equivalent to 2 French, 3 Japanese, 4 British, 8 Czechoslovakia, 25 Dutch and 34 Belgian). Today, more than 600,000 square kilometers to the north of Heilongjiang and 400,000 square kilometers to the east of Wusuli River in the rich southern part of Russia's Far East (Amur Prefecture, Khabarovsk Krai, Primorsky Krai) are China's territory, which was seized by Russia through unequal treaties such as Sino-Russian Aihui Treaty and Sino-Russian Beijing Treaty during 1858 ~ 1860. But all the leaders of the Soviet Union (Russia) except Lenin did not recognize these facts of aggression. Not only that, Russian society has also set up a monument for invaders like Poyarkov and Khabarov, praising them as "the nation that best embodies Russia's distinctive characteristics" and "the emissary of Far East civilization". Up to now, their tall statues are still erected on the streets of cities in the Far East, and their deeds are exhibited in museums in the name of Russian national heroes.

After Russia's independence, this traditional understanding still exists. Moreover, due to the disorder of local border trade, the "China expansion theory" in Russia has been increasingly hyped, and the Sino-Russian territorial and border issues have become more prominent. Local leaders in the Far East strongly oppose the signing and demarcation of the Sino-Russian eastern border agreement. From the local to the central government, people have made a big fuss about the problems left over from the demarcation of the eastern border between China and Russia. As for the Treasure Island Incident that happened in the late 1960s, they still regard it as a historical lesson of China's invasion of Russia to educate the people, claiming that "we can't forget places like Damansky Island" [6]. Therefore, they held commemorative activities and established the Veterans Association ... and took the opportunity to strengthen preparations, including the establishment of the "Ussuri Cossack Military Region" to strengthen the military training of young people before serving. Especially when more Russian economic and trade personnel and laborers entered the Russian Far East, they were frightened and threatened, exclaiming, "The Chinese are coming!" "The yellow peril is coming!" "China will occupy our Far East!" [7] To this end, some military dignitaries and experts suggested that in order to cope with the "population challenge" from Asian neighbors, Russia should stop reducing its troops deployed to the east of the Ural Mountains and keep a large number of military and police forces in Siberia and the Far East [8]. Why are Russians so wary of China's March into the Far East? Mainly because they occupied a large part of China's territory in history, including the Far East, which was originally China's territory, they were always worried that one day the Far East would be taken back by China people. This is the usual psychological reaction of "unjust things are in hand, and lifelong psychology is difficult to determine."

4. Socio-political factors

The Soviet regime period of more than 70 years is one of the most important periods in Russian history. Russia, which has just come from this period, cannot completely get rid of its various influences. From the recent point of time, it has the most direct impact on today's Russians. From the point of view of the greatest influence and change on the domestic and international society, it has the deepest influence on today's Russians. Of all the influences, the biggest is political influence.

The most important feature of the Soviet regime is its prominent political tendency. During this period, politics is the commander-in-chief and the soul, and everything should be subordinate to politics. Soviets cultivated, educated and edified in this social atmosphere are used to seeing everything from a political perspective, considering everything with the thinking of class struggle, measuring everything with the standard of being friends or enemies, and doubting everything with the logic of "complex things". Although the former Soviet Union has become today's CIS and the former Russian Federation has become today's Russian Federation, this ideological system still exists and its influence is still deep, and even millions of old Soviets are still alive. Today, many Russians still face everything with this ideology. In this way, in international economic cooperation, they naturally doubt everything, including the purpose, principles and results of cooperation, the ulterior motives of foreign parties and the political purpose of economic cooperation. The Soviet regime after Lenin took the Marxist ideological line in name, but actually took the distorted Marxist ideological line. The phenomenon distorted by them exists in various fields, including twisting patriotism into narrow nationalism. Their advocacy of "the interests of the motherland are above everything else" is actually "the interests of the state are above everything else". At the same time, in political, economic and social life, they pursue absolute unity in thought and absolute average in interests. These political factors are reflected in today's international economic cooperation, which will inevitably lead to the following phenomena: foreigners cannot be tolerated to profit from it, especially to make more profits. If foreigners benefit more, they think that they "expand economically" to Russia, and Russia "suffers", threatening Russia's economic development and endangering Russia's national sovereignty, so they take various measures to obstruct economic cooperation.

5. National geographical factors

Geographically, Russia was originally a European country, and a large territory in Asia was invaded, and the population in Asia was all immigrants. The ancestral home of Asian residents is in Europe. So far, Russia's political and economic center is still in Europe. At present, the gross domestic product of the European part of Russia accounts for about 70% of the whole Russia, and the population accounts for about 80% of the whole Russia. There is still debate about where it belongs. The traditional view is still that it is a European country, and even Russians living on the Pacific coast of the Far East still regard themselves as Europeans. In May, 2000, when Putin met with EU leaders visiting Russia, he pointed out that "Russia was, is and will be a big European country". Because the political and economic center is in Europe and there are many contacts with Europe in history, Russians are familiar with Europe but not Asia.

Against this background of obvious lack of understanding of Asia, modern Russia has always placed Eurocentrism and Atlanticism in the leading position of its foreign policy. Today's Russia, although adjusting its foreign policy to an all-round pragmatic foreign policy that pays equal attention to the East and the West, actually still takes Europe as its strategic focus and priority. After the founding of New China, China and the Soviet Union established friendly relations, and the people of the two countries had more contacts and gradually became familiar with each other. However, since the early 1960s, the differences between the two parties have led to the alienation and hostility between the two countries for 20 years, which has widened the distance between them, and the two sides have gradually approached and understood each other. This situation did not change significantly until Russia became independent. Due to the ignorance of China and the estrangement of the relations between the two countries, in recent years, the news media in the Russian Far East have reported and introduced little about China, which is not as good as western European countries, especially the United States and Japan. Under the background of this relationship and the guidance of public opinion, how can people in the Russian Far East have a normal understanding of China? According to a public opinion survey of 869 people in three Russian border areas (states) adjacent to China in the Far East, 38% people are indifferent to China, 23% people hold a negative attitude towards China people, only 27% people know Lu Xun, and only 15% people know Qi Baishi [9]. When I visited the Russian Far East in the late 1980s, some people even asked the ridiculous question "Does China have a car?".

6. Racial relations factors

According to race, Russians belong to white people and China belongs to yellow people. As far as racial differences are concerned, the differences between races are greater than those between nations, and the gap is deeper. According to the theory of "racial conflict", long-term mixing and contact between different races will inevitably lead to friction, opposition, conflict and even violence. A Russian scholar put it this way: "According to this theory, the potential conflict in Primorsky Krai is that most of the Han and Korean people from China have become particularly obvious ethnic minorities, and their culture and history are not understood by the local Slavs. In theory, the basic ethnic differences and cultural differences between Russians and immigrants from China will breed tensions and possible violent conflicts over time. " Although this scholar's exposition may not be completely scientific, and their inference may not really come true, the great differences between different races do exist objectively, and it is indeed realistic that they are unacceptable and integrated with each other. If they are not done well, conflicts may arise. Therefore, the anti-China and anti-China actions in the Russian Far East are also related to racial exclusion.

In short, the Russian nation is a nation with strong exclusiveness and poor compatibility. It is precisely because of this national characteristic that "Chinatown" can exist in cities of many countries in the world and live in peace with local residents. Only in Russia can it be regarded as a scourge, and even the brand of "China Village" makes them suspicious. There are millions of China people living in the United States, including 430,000 in San Francisco alone. But in fact, there are no more than 500,000 Russians temporarily living in China, and there are only 50,000 to 60,000 people in the Far East, which makes them extremely frightened and causes an uproar. If the United States is a "big mill that crushes ethnic differences" or a "national melting pot", then Russia is a "heavily guarded castle" or a "big hive that sleeps and drives away foreign bees". It is precisely because Russians have such national characteristics that although Russia's policy of opening to the outside world has been announced to the world for more than 10 years, foreigners still find it difficult to enter the door and do things. Although numerous preferential policies for foreign economic cooperation have been formulated, it is still difficult to implement them, and the harsh domestic environment is still daunting for foreigners.