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Why doesn't the United States take the socialist line?
Second, race and national identity interfere with the class front. America is an immigrant society. Immigrants from the same home country must be inextricably linked. Their identity in culture and interests often exceeds class. Therefore, in addition to class differences, Americans have almost as strong racial and ethnic differences. American trade unions have long had racial boundaries. Some unions can only be joined by whites. Without the support of trade unions, the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act could not be passed. 1902, only 3% of the members of black trade unions are confined to black local organizations.
Third, the middle class is in the majority. A society with two big ends and a small middle is a favorable condition for revolution. When a huge and desperate poverty team is formed, the revolution only needs a fuse. But American society has always been small at both ends and big in the middle, with the middle class accounting for the majority. Although they also have a lot of dissatisfaction, they have not degenerated to the point where there is only one chain left, so they do not welcome the revolution. In the United States, it is difficult to hope for success without the support of the middle class, which accounts for the majority of the population. This has been repeatedly proved by history.
Fourth, liberalism is deeply rooted in the hearts of the people, which makes the United States show an obvious conservative attitude towards socialism. The labor movement in the United States adheres to the concept of private property and individualism, and even the leftists in the United States read Jefferson before Marx. Even if they are opposed to the capitalist system and even private property, they rarely do not accept liberal ideas such as freedom, autonomy, equality, tolerance and the rule of law, which makes them have reservations about the road of armed revolution to seize power by violence. They cannot give up themselves and obey others, especially accept remote control from abroad. All these explain why the United States has never been a Leninist political party, but when the United States and party member have differences, they go their own way and are not bound by party discipline, which violates the road to success pointed out by Lenin: "Unconditional concentration and extremely strict discipline in the proletarian revolution are one of the basic conditions for it to defeat the bourgeoisie."
Fifth, the American Declaration of Independence recognizes the right of revolution, and the American Constitution guarantees freedom of speech and association. Generally speaking, the more depressed the society is, the more mysterious and attractive the eccentric words and deeds are. In the United States, socialism and capitalism can spread freely and exist legally except in some special periods. Socialist and capitalist political parties are set up at will and can participate in presidential elections again and again. Until the1980s, the United States was still organizing its own political parties to participate in the presidential election. Because it is too easy to organize, once ideological differences arise, the left will break up in discord, divide and build, build and disperse sects and forces, and will never form a unified and powerful proletarian party, even a decent European-style Labour Party does not exist, and it is impossible to confront the existing government. At the same time, it is precisely because of the open and full debate that American listeners have enough opportunities to hear different voices and have enough time to compare and choose. When an idea must compete in the ideological market, it is difficult to form a monopoly position.
Sixth, the American system provides some room for revision. Americans can reform the society through elections, legislation and other legal means, and even achieve large-scale reforms like the New Deal. It is not necessary to change the dynasty through violent revolution. As voters, people have a certain right to participate, so they have a certain degree of recognition of the government. The Labor Party's support for Roosevelt was sincere, and they were not interested in the call to completely overthrow the existing government.
Seventh, the principle of American autonomy allows small-scale experiments on social organizations and lifestyles, such as Fourier-style French. Their success or failure is often instructive, and the theory of small-scale experimental failure is difficult to convince the public, thus avoiding the danger of large-scale failure. The pragmatism of Americans also makes them pay more attention to practice than theory, and the evaluation of theory pays more attention to its feasibility and practical effect.
Eighth, the unique geographical conditions and natural resources of the United States, coupled with a successful economy, make it possible for the working class to share benefits, especially in the stage of economic upgrading. From World War II to 1970, the weekly salary of American manufacturing workers has more than tripled, plus various welfare guarantees. Therefore, whenever the economy improves and the situation is relatively stable, the labor movement quickly turns into a low tide. The old left always looks like an outsider in the United States, feeling very lost and difficult to influence.
To sum up, in the United States, where the capitalist economy is the most developed, the old left has never aroused the class consciousness of the working class. Without the general support of the proletariat, the proletarian revolution could not have happened.
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